Why does Iran’s Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, permit Ahmadinejad to be so provocative? That matter requires some insight into the Supreme Leader and his existential predispositions.
Perhaps it is well to consider the facts that Ayatollah Khamenei does not deign to give public interviews, he has never been even asked to submit a report of any kind (let alone on the state of the Iranian nation) to any Iranian legislative, administrative or other agency, he has never even attended a meeting of the Exigency Council (which he appoints) and he has never even attended a meeting of the Assembly of Experts (which appointed him, which has technical authority over him, but which has never -not once-vetoed him) and he is extremely secretive about the basis of whatever public pronouncements he chooses to make.
That said, Khamenei is not well thought of as an arguably erudite Shiite cleric even though he has been designated as an Ayatollah ( only the Shiites have such a title for their highest clerics). Indeed, to become a member of the Assembly of Experts (learned Mujtahheeds - Islamic scholars of demonstrated competence and recognized authority) one is supposed to be an exemplar of Islamic learning. There is broad - but often unspoken- consensus in Iran that Khamenei does not fit the bill as a distinguished Islamic scholar, but that he survives and functions by dint of the inherent prowess of his distinctive persona.
By way of circumlocution to answering the question of why Ahmadinejad is allowed to rant, it is worth noting that as Supreme Leader, Khamenei has antagonized multiple other bone fide Ayatollahs of immense standing as Islamic scholars. Surely the greatest of these, Grand Ayatollah Ali Montazeri, just died severl months ago. At that time, Khamenei prohibited demonstrations and even grieving for Montazeri anywhere except in the holy city of Qom where Montazeri lived and died. Montazeri had once been tapped to succeed Iran's first Supreme Leader Ruhallah Khomenei, but was denied that post when he and Khomenei had a falling out just prior Khomenei's death in1989.That is whenKhamenei assumed control and put Montazeri under house arrest for many years. Prior to his death, Montazeri had been a vocal supporter of Mir Hossein Mousavi, Ahmadinejad's major election adversary in Iran.
That said, Mousavi is wrongly thought by the West to be a liberal/reformer. His reforms -such as they are proposed to be- lie in domestic affairs only. In fact, Mousavi was foreign minister in Iran when the US hostages were taken in 1979 and he quite approved. He also believes Iran MUST have nukes. So, underneath it all, Ahamadinejad and Mousavi are simply the same pudding with different flavors. Furthermore, the alleged reformer Mousavi is merely another version of Ahamadinejad without the anger or inventive.
Premises considered, Khamenei can call his shots as he pleases when, in fact, allowing Ahmadinejad to rant and rave does Khamenei little harm and especially since not a single recognized leader in Iran disagrees with the substance of Ahamadinejad's foreign policy rantings. Included among these leaders are Mousavi, Karroubi, Larijani, Khatami and Iran's wealthiest person, Rafsanjani. The latter was President of Iran in the mid-late nineties. He vehemently dislikes Ahamadinejad and is often at loggerheads with Khamenei. But, most importantly, Iran seems to be substantially of one voice when it comes to foreign affairs, nukes and national pride.
The bottom line is that, in the grand scheme of things, Ahmadinejad is essentially expendable and, in the greater context of Iranian leadership, is not considered to be even on the top thirty list of all-time prominent Persians/Iranians. So, to coin a phrase, talk is cheap and Khamenei simply tolerates Ahmadinejad on domestic affairs and allows him to fulminate on the foreign affairs with which Khamenei substantially concurs.
Regarding Ahmadinejad's provocative posturing, one might well paraphrase a pithy G.B. Shaw aphorism to read: “He who can does, he who cannot rants!”
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